The Flynn Effect (FE) is the name given to the apparent rise in intelligence scores, across several countries, over the last century. In the 1980’s James Flynn reviewed and analysed the scores on cognitive tests (often called IQ tests) and found that average scores had increased at the rate of three points per decade (Greenfield, 1998; Must, Must & Raudik, 2003; Rodgers, 1999; Teasdale & Owen, 2007).  Later, Flynn and other researchers noted that certain cognitive tests showed even greater increases in average scores (Flynn, 2003; Greenfield, 1998; Must, Must & Raudik, 2003; Rodgers, 1999).

IQ tests are used to assess and measure domain-specific (such as arithmetic) and domain-independent (problem solving) cognitive abilities. Though there are dozens of IQ tests, the commonest three tests reported in the literature are the Wechsler, Stanford-Binet and Raven’s Progressive Matrices (RPM). Both the Wechsler and Stanford-Binet have a number of subtests that are designed to test for particular abilities (Must, Must & Raudik, 2003; Neisser (Chair) et al., 1996; Rodgers, 1999) and both tests include subtests for problem-solving or general intelligence (Neisser, 1998). A common criticism of cognitive tests is that they are culturally-specific and even the RPM (a non-verbal, untimed test designed to be culturally independent) which is one of the best tests for measuring domain-independent abilities (Greenfield, 2009; Hiscock, 2007; Must, Must & Raudik, 2003; Teasdale & Owen, 2007), is thought to be culturally dependent in its representation (Greenfield, 1998).

Flynn himself (Hiscock, 2007) proposes that the increase in measured intelligence is related to better schooling. However, use of Raven’s Progressive with preschoolers has shown and increase in scores over time, thus refuting Flynn’s claims. Other explanations have included environmental complexity, better nutrition, improved teacher training, urbanisation with improved access to schools and cultural dynamism (Flynn, 2003; Lynn & Harvey, 2008; Must, Must & Raudik, 2003; Neisser (Chair) et al., 1996; Rodgers, 1999; Schooler, 1998). Flynn rejects the suggestion that increased access to technology and environmental complexity make a contribution to the FE (Schooler, 1998). However, First Australians average very low scores on IQ tests but could hardly be thought of as unintelligent (Must, Must & Raudik, 2003; Schooler, 1998). This argument demonstrates the cultural bias of IQ tests and the relationship between environmental complexity, urbanisation and IQ test scores (Greenfield, 2009; Schooler, 1998).

Improved teacher training and improved access to better education have been proposed as positive influences on the FE. The APA taskforce (Neisser (Chair) et al. 1996) investigating intelligence and its causes, determined that what is taught in schools, how many years a student spends in formal education and the competence of teachers, are all contributors to the FE. Several issues arise with this argument, firstly the idea that Asian students are better at mathematics is not about teaching practices, nor about cultural norms of study time. Asian students use a different counting system to Anglo/American students and this precipitates greater mathematical skill (Schooler, 1998) and certainly makes learning math easier. Also, preschool tests using RPM have shown an increase in scores over time (Rodgers, 1999).

Cultural dynamism is another potential contributor to the FE. Societies changing from agricultural, village, rural lifestyles to city-based, individualistic societies have shown an increase in IQ scores (Greenfield, 2009; Neisser (Chair) et al., 1996; Rodgers, 1999; Schooler, 1998). This is thought to happen because of the increased access to schooling, technology, including television and computers, and regular improved nutrition (Greenfield, 2009; Neisser, 1998; Neisser (Chair) et al., 1996; Rodgers, 1999; Schooler, 1998; Teasdale & Owen, 2007). However, improved nutrition is a contentious contributor to the FE.

The Danish experience, as investigated by Teasdale and Owen (2007), shows that nutrition is not an issue in Denmark although the FE has been recorded there. In Vietnam and other countries with a history of war (and thus poor nutrition), the FE has been shown to correlate with increased nutrition, measured by head circumference and height averages (Greenfield, 1998; Greenfield, 2009; Neisser (Chair) et al., 1996; Rodgers, 1999).

It has been noted by a number of researchers that there are variations in the way the FE manifests and they have found that average scores on RPM have increased more than scores on other cognitive tests (Hiscock, 2007). This phenomenon has opposing explanations. Greenfield (1998) believes that cultural adaptation of developed societies and the ready access to technology, film, television and computer games, develop and improve those skills required to do the RPM test (Greenfield, 1998). The RPM uses matrices of symbols and the answer to each question lies in the testee’s ability to perceptually manipulate the puzzle; an ability that is heightened with the perceptual skill-dominant computer games and, to a lesser extent, the ability to understand film and television, that is, following the story when scenes are not in continuous shot (Greenfield, 1998). This theory is refuted by evidence that gains in intelligence measured on RPM scores were increasing before television was widely viewed (Hiscock, 2007) and certainly before computer games.

In 2006, Teasdale and Owen reported that in Denmark, the FE had plateaued and could well be reversing (Teasdale & Owen, 2007). IQ scores of Denmark’s military conscriptees did rise up to 1989, in line with the three points per decade FE across nations, but since 1989 the FE reduced to 1.6 points per decade and is now declining by the same rate (Lynn & Harvey, 2008; Must, Must & Raudik, 2003; Teasdale & Owen, 2007). This change in the FE has prompted discussion that immigration of African nationals and refugees from Afghanistan, have lowered the FE, as they bring a lower average IQ (Lynn & Harvey, 2008). However, it has also been noted that in a number of developing countries, such as Dominica and Kenya, the FE amounts to an increase of 5.1 points per decade (Lynn & Harvey, 2008).

Flynn says that the increase in test scores is only about what the tests are about and not about an increase in real-world, individual intelligence (Hiscock, 2007; Rodgers, 1999). That is, we are getting better at tests, not gaining intelligence, nor are we academically superior to our ancestors. Flynn’s views are both supported and contradicted. On one hand there is substantial evidence (Hiscock, 2007) that cognitive test scores are positively correlated with educational performance and occupational success but also numerous reports (Rodgers, 1999) that individual scores on university entrance tests are declining.

It was thought that IQ has a limit but if a large measure of our intelligence is inherited, humans will continue to get smarter (Neisser, 1998). Perhaps the phenomenon is the same as why athletes keep getting faster; an athlete learns everything a trainer knows and that is their starting point, the athlete improves on the trainer’s best. Similarly, a child’s starting point is the full measure of their parents’ intelligence and a child improves on that (Neisser, 1998; Rodgers, 1999), assisted with technology, urbanisation, better nutrition and more access to better quality and formal education (Greenfield, 1998; Neisser, 1998).

However, the experiences in Denmark (Teasdale, 2007) and Estonia (Must, Must & Raudik, 2003) amongst others, highlight the fact that whilst it appears that populations are increasing in intelligence, we now know that people really are only getting smarter in limited cognitive areas and in response to technology (Greenfield, 1998; Greenfield, 2009; Lynn & Harvey, 2008; Must, Must & Raudik, 2003; Schooler, 1998; Teasdale & Owen, 2007). The trend in Scandinavia, where the FE is now plateauing and possibly even declining (Rodgers, 1999; Teasdale & Owen, 2007), in line with cultural dynamism (Greenfield, 2009) and population shifting (Rodgers, 1999), is gaining momentum. Cultural dynamism (the change from small, rural communities and low tech lifestyle, to city-based technology-dominant lifestyle) and the movement of refugees from developing and war-torn countries, are both contributing to a lowering (though possibly only temporary, until the population stabilises) of the FE (Lynn & Harvey, 2008; Must, Must & Raudik, 2003; Rodgers, 1999; Teasdale & Owen, 2007).

Lynn and Harvey (2008) used fertility rates and fertility rates to document IQ scores across developed and developing countries. For example, in Afghanistan the average IQ is 84 and in Australia it is 98; the fertility rates are 6.69 and 1.76, respectively. Lynn and Harvey (2008) reiterate the belief that people with lower intelligence, living in developing areas, have more children and often immigrate to developed nations, thus lowering the national IQ of the receiving country (Lynn & Harvey, 2008). This provides a possible explanation for the now static nature of IQ in some developed areas, as refugees and immigrants make new homes.

All these opposing views seem to negate each other and at first glance it appears that the FE across tests and across cultures, is not quite balanced. However, Flynn’s methods and his use of mean scores, has been thoroughly investigated (Rodgers, 1999) and all measure of reasons for the FE have been suggested and tested (Greenfield, 1998; Rodgers, 1999). Whilst there appears to be no consensus on the reasons for the rise in IQ, the FE does exist and intelligence, in some geographical and cognitive areas, is rising. Thus, we really are smarter than we were 100 years ago.

The implications for continued IQ testing are multi-faceted. As test scores rise, the score mean and any ‘cut-off’ scores need to be raised. That means that if a test score of seventy indicates mental deficiency, then this score is also going to rise and government policy, education and support services will need to change alongside it (Kanaya, Scullin & Ceci, 2003). This also means that there is a high probability that more testee’s scores will be seen as ‘borderline’ and judgement will need to be made to secure service provision and assistance (Kanaya, Scullin & Ceci, 2003) and some families who were expecting assistance might be refused help.

Our culture defines intelligence (Greenfield, 1998; Schooler, 1998) and if more people are urbanised and rural secluded lifestyles are marginalised further, more people will be IQ tested in schools and before starting work (Greenfield, 1998; Rodgers, 1999). This means that the average scores will change and this too will determine government/education policy and procedures (Greenfield, 1998; Kanaya, Scullin & Ceci, 2003; Schooler, 1998). School curricula might need to be updated as the static nature of learned intelligence (as opposed to the increase in problem solving or fluid IQ) might start to decline thus creating a need for more math, reading, history and writing-based skill development (Greenfield, 2009; Kanaya, Scullin & Ceci, 2003; Schooler, 1998). Over time, general knowledge changes considerably and this affects results on cognitive tests (Rodgers, 1999). In light of this, changes to question type would need to fall in line with educational style and direction.

 Whilst there appears to be a continuing controversy concerning the FE, it is understandable that employers will still want to know as much about an employee’s cognitive abilities and their ability to cope with stimulus and demand characteristics of their job, particularly in government and military areas (Lynn & Harvey, 2008). Although there has been a greater emphasis on vocational and aptitude tests in recent times, the two types of tests do overlap and subtests of Wechsler and Stanford-Binet are analogous to many subtests on aptitude tests (Hiscock, 2007) and are thus still useful. In studies of psychology and sociology, measurement is the source of the research and discussion. IQ scores, with their associated social changes or predictors, will still be needed to facilitate societal, governmental and educational development (Greenfield, 2009). If you don’t know what you are dealing with, how can you mend or maintain it? Thus, IQ tests have a valuable role in developmental transformations in society (Greenfield, 2009; Schooler, 1998). 

References

Flynn, J. R. (2003). Movies about intelligence: The limitations of ‘g’. Current Directions in Psychological Science, 12(3), 95-99

Greenfield, P. M. (1998). The cultural evolution of IQ. In Neisser (Ed.) The rising curve: Long-term gains in IQ and related measures (pp 81-123). Washington, DC: American Psychological Association

Greenfield, P.M. (2009). Linking social change and developmental change: Shifting pathways of human development. Developmental Psychology, 45 (2), 401-418

Hiscock, M. (2006). The Flynn effect and its relevance to neuropsychology. Journal of Clinical and Experimental Neuropsychology, 29(5), 514-529

Kanaya, T., Scullin, M. H., & Ceci, S. J. (2003). The Flynn effect and U.S. policies: The impact of rising IQ scores on American Society via mental retardation diagnoses. American Psychologist, 58(10), 778-790

Lynn, R. (1990). The role of nutrition in the secular increases in intelligence. Personality and Individual Differences, 11, 273-286

Must, O., Must, A., & Raudik, V. (2003). The secular rise in IQs: Estonia, the Flynn effect is not a Jensen effect. Intelligence, 31, 461-471

Neisser, U. (1998). Introduction: Rising test scores and what they mean. In Neisser (Ed.) The rising curve: Long term gains in IQ and related measures (pp 3-22). Washington, DC: American Psychological Association

Neisser, U., et al. (1996). Intelligence: Knowns and unknowns. American Psychologist, 51(2), 77-101

Rodgers, J. L. (1999). A critique of the Flynn effect: Massive IQ gains, methodological artefacts, or both? Intelligence, 26(4), 337-356

Schooler, C. (1998). Environmental complexity and the Flynn effect. In Neisser (Ed.) The rising curve: Long term gains in IQ and related measures (pp 67-79). Washington, DC: American Psychological Association

Teasdale, T. W., & Owen, D. R. (2008). Secular declines in cognitive test scores: A reversal of the Flynn effect. Intelligence, 36, 121-126.